This article is based on research supported by the National Science Foundation, Division of Advanced Productivity Research and Technology, under Grant No. APR 75-14311 A02. Any opinions, findings, or generalities expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily represent the views or policies of the sponsoring agency. The experiment was conducted by the Alternate Media Center, School of the Arts and the Graduate School of Public Administration, New York University.

Cable Television: A Technology for Citizens

I. INTRODUCTION

There has been a dramatic increase in the use of telecommunications systems by government agencies during the past quarter century. This is largely attributable to the development of new communications technologies occurring simultaneously with the growth in the amount and type of services provided by the public sector. As public sector bureaucracies have expanded their scope of available services, new technologies have developed to standardize procedures, rationalize operations, and improve productivity. The traditional values of public administration, "efficiency and effectiveness," have guided the introduction of such new technological systems as data banks, computer terminals, and electronic data processing.

The impact of these technological innovations extends far beyond issues of administrative efficiency and bureaucratic performance. Modern telecommunications systems influence the distribution of power within a political system as well as the nature of a citizen's interaction with public authorities.(1) Several theorists have suggested that sophisticated information systems reinforce the power of the state and threaten the privacy of individuals.(2) Little attention, however, has been given to the design of telecommunication systems which enhance the capacity of citizens to participate in decisionmaking processes involving governmental and judicial services, and thereby provide a more effective means by which governmental entities provide services to the public.(3) This Article examines the use of two-way cable television as a vehicle for strengthening citizen involvement in urban government processes. Additional emphasis will be placed on the role of cable television as a tool to provide various legal and governmental services more efficiently.

Cable television was developed in the late 1940's to provide reception to rural communities, where the natural terrain interfered with the reception of over-the-air signals. The first systems, called "community antenna television systems" (CATV)(4), were often initiated by people engaged in television sales and repair businesses as a means of increasing sales by supplying better television reception in small communities.(5) Cable television still remains a predominantly rural phenomena. Of the 3,405 cable systems in the United States, 2,542 have less than 3,500 subscribers each.(6) San Diego has the largest cable system with 101,207 while only 53 cable systems have 20,000 or more subscribers.(7)

During the late 1960's, numerous reports and studies were issued forecasting a rapid growth in cable television.(8) Regulatory constraints imposed by the Federal Communications Commission and a variety of economic factors, however, severely limited the development of cable systems.(9) A substantial growth for cable television is again being widely projected as a result of recent changes in the regulatory climate and the development of pay cable systems.(10) In 1976, approximately eighteen percent of American households subscribed to cable television and by 1980, one-fourth of American households are expected to be cable subscribers.(11)

The emergence of new technologies, linking computer systems and communication satellites with the home, has made cable television more than a simple mechanism for improving the reception of broadcast television systems.(12) Cable television can not only expand the number and type of television programs; it can also allow two-way or interactive communication to occur.(13) The interactive potential of cable has fostered much speculation about the public and private services that two-way systems could provide.(14) Among the services that have been proposed for interactive systems are polling, training and referral, monitoring of burglar and fire alarms and provision of various governmental services.(15) The rising cost of public services, coupled with declining telecommunications costs, has prompted many commentators to advocate cable television as a means of providing public services in large urban areas.(16) Despite the potential benefits to be gained from the use of interactive cable systems in the public sector, relatively few public uses of cable television have developed.(17) Institutional and technical constraints, as well as uncertainty about the costs and benefits of two-way cable applications, have prevented the development of more comprehensive public uses.(18)

II. THE NYU-READING CABLE CONSORTIUM

In 1975, the National Science Foundation funded three experiments to test and evaluate public service uses of interactive telecommunications systems. Each experiment was conducted by a research organization in collaboration with a local government agency and a cable television company.(19)

The New York University-Reading Consortium was established to design and implement the experiment in interactive cable television conducted in Reading, Pennsylvania.(20) This experiment, conducted over a thirty-month period, examined the effects of two-way cable television on senior citizens' knowledge and use of public services, and on their capacity to participate in community political and social processes.(21) Three factors influenced the choice of Reading as the site for this experiment. The Alternate Media Center at New York University's School of the Arts had extensive knowledge of Reading based on its previous work in the community; the technical configuration of the cable system had two-way capability; and, there was strong support for the project from the municipal government and local cable company.(22)

Three neighborhood communication centers were linked together via cable to comprise the experimental system. The centers were located in a multi-service center and two senior-citizen housing projects. Each center was equipped with a small studio television camera and monitor which permitted two-way communication to occur among the three facilities. Initially, converters were installed in the private homes of 117 elderly citizens so that they could view the cable programs over their home television sets and participate by telephone. The positive response by the home viewers to the interactive system led to a decision to carry the programs over a regular cable channel so that all 35,000 local cable subscribers could view the programs and participate by telephone. The offices of the mayor, city council members, and other public officials were connected to the interactive system on a regular basis. In addition, several local high schools and nursing homes participated in the programs, in an effort to measure the advantages of cable television when applied to the provision of other governmental services.

From the outset, the design and implementation of the project was guided by three criteria: the needs of senior citizens,(23) the technical configuration of the cable system, and the requirements of evaluative research. The basic method for assessing the effects of the two-way cable television system employed treatment and control groups which were surveyed before and after the experiment. Control and experimental groups were designated for each of the neighborhood communication centers, as well as 117 senior citizens whose homes were equipped with converters. The evaluative research allowed the impact of the cable system to be analyzed in three contexts: two-way cable, one-way viewing with telephone call-in, and those with no access to the interactive system.

The Reading cable project demonstrated the crucial role of citizen and community involvement in the development of public applications of two-way cable technology. In contrast to most technological innovations, emphasizing the degree of technical sophistication or design of the equipment, the most innovative element in the two-way Reading cable system was the direct participation of citizens and public sector organizations in planning and producing their own interactive cable programs.(24) Developing new communications technology has traditionally been the responsibility of elected or appointed officials. Consequently, most technological innovations are designed by planners and policy-makers to assist the producer, rather than the consumer, of public services. This has serious implications regarding the type of information generated and the purposes served by new technologies. Rather than asking how can public agencies use communications technologies to provide public services, we asked: How can citizens use communications technologies to obtain better public services?

This approach formed the basis for the NYU-Reading cable project. At the outset, the city government and four public agencies agreed to participate in the project. Two agencies provided space for the neighborhood communication centers. The sole requirement for participation was the willingness of an organization to provide the time of its representatives for the two-way programming.

During the experimental phase, a staff of local citizens with no professional experience in television production was hired by New York University to operate the interactive cable system. This staff, encompassing all age groups, was trained in the use of two-way video equipment and subsequently took responsibility for teaching senior citizens about the uses of two-way cable television.(25) Senior citizens participated in virtually all aspects of the two-way cable system, from planning to actual production. Programming consisted of daily interactive sessions originating from the neighborhood communication centers as well as from various remote locations such as city hall, the local office of the Social Security Administration, and the county courthouse. The programs, which were transmitted two hours a day, five days a week, were conceived and produced by senior citizens and representatives of local public service organizations.

The interactive programs allowed senior citizens to talk among themselves and with public officials about a broad range of subjects. Over a fifteen month period there were more than 450 hours of interactive programming. The content included weekly sessions in which senior citizens talked with the mayor, city council members, county commissioners, and representatives of public and non-public social service agencies. Rather than governmental agencies assuming responsibility for program production, senior citizens, acting as both consumers of public services and the clientele of specific agencies, were responsible for organizing public service programming and two-way communication. Through direct involvement in the planning and operation of the two-way cable system, senior citizens were able to articulate their demands for specific types of cable programming directly to federal, state, and local governmental agencies. Public organizations, which had no independent incentive to use the cable system, were clearly in a different position when they were responding to the demands of an organized clientele group.

The results of this process have been impressive. A diversity of public and quasi-public organizations used the two-way cable system to interact with senior citizens regarding the services they provide. More than seventy agencies participated in the programming. Twenty organizations were regular users of the two-way cable system, with fifty appearing on an occasional basis. Educational institutions accounted for fifteen percent of the organizational programs, local government units comprised twenty-one percent of such programming, and the social service agencies were responsible for forty-nine percent of the programs.

The type and scope of services provided through the experimental two-way system was influenced by the fact that senior citizens and service delivery organizations shared responsibility for delivering public services over the cable system. Senior citizens were able to obtain needed services from any source, including both the public and private sectors as well as each other. For example, when senior citizen participants expressed a need for information on preparing wills, the publicly supported legal services agency was not permitted to provide such counsel. As a result, local attorneys in private practice donated their time for a program on the preparation and execution of wills. Often, the bundle of services provided by public agencies meets only a small portion of the information needs of citizens. The role of senior citizens in determining the nature of the interactive cable programming thus led to the provision of services through cable television which otherwise were not readily available to the Reading elderly.(26)

Senior citizen participation in planning and producing interactive cable programs affected both the nature of the services provided and the character of organizational participation. The initial experimental design emphasized the impact of the two-way cable system on the utilization of federally-funded programs such as Medicaid and Food Stamps.(27) The participants in this experiment, however, also had a strong role in defining the programming content of the experiment. Because all senior citizens do not necessarily believe in the value of social welfare services, many middle-class seniors were reluctant to have what came to be regarded as "their" cable system used exclusively on behalf of programs for the poor. Like most population groups, senior citizens display considerable heterogeneity with regard to social class, education, income, and preference for public goods and services. To be responsive to diverse senior citizen preferences, the interactive cable system could not be oriented solely towards social welfare programs. Rather, it encompassed a broad array of services for the elderly. As a result, numerous local organizations used the two-way cable system over the course of the project, thus becoming familiar with both cable television and the needs of the elderly. Public and quasi-public agencies, not primarily concerned with the aged, also participated in the programs when seniors sought specific information and services from them.

Reliance on senior citizens to produce cable programs further permitted public agencies to use the cable system on an incremental basis, without the need for substantial investments of staff time and resources in planning and development activities. Programs were initiated on a trial basis. If the senior citizens and participating agency were satisfied, then a regular series of programs was conducted. The typical pattern of organizational innovation, where an entire agency is required to adopt a new process or product in toto, did not characterize the Reading cable project. The open-ended nature of the Reading cable system and the fact that it depended upon a variety of public agencies for production input, encouraged participation by numerous non-public service delivery organizations.

III. CITIZEN GOVERNMENT INTERACTION

One area where programming has proved to be particularly effective is that of citizen-government interaction. The city of Reading is governed by a modified commission form of government in which legislative and administrative duties are combined. There are four city councilpersons and a mayor, each of whom has authority over one or more municipal departments.(28)

Effective two-way communication would presumably be enhanced by the dual factors of having relatively small local government units and diversified control by local representatives. Thus, individual inquiries regarding the provision of governmental services at the local level could be attended to more efficiently than similar inquiries directed to larger government entities. The commission form of government allowed citizens to request and receive specific commitments from their elected representatives, who also had direct administrative authority over the municipal bureaucracy.

At the outset of the project, the mayor agreed to participate in a monthly program, titled "Meet the Mayor," where he discussed municipal government affairs with senior citizens. The success of this program led to the development of a weekly program in which each member of the city council appeared on a rotating basis to meet and talk with senior citizens. These teleconferences permitted senior citizens to articulate their interests directly to elected officials on a regular basis without the time or travel costs of visiting city hall or the institutional and psychological constraints of participating in formal public meetings. The content of the teleconferences was open-ended; it was a product of senior citizens' concerns and the expertise of the participating officials. Citizens used the programs to request information, make specific demands, and evaluate municipal policy.(29)

Both citizens and public officials developed skills in two-way electronic communication during the experiment. In addition, participants became more skilled at expressing opinions and giving information, as well as becoming more assertive in stating their positions. Senior citizens in particular became more assertive in their comments, showing significant increases in the number of times they stated their position, advocated specific action, and proposed policies for the elderly. The electronic meetings helped elected officials to accomplish one of their essential representative functions. As communication with constituents is a basic element of the job, the process of speaking to citizens through two-way cable systems provided a convenient and reliable means of staying in touch with voters and demonstrating responsiveness to the constituency. In addition, information could be conveyed directly from citizens to public officials without encountering the filtering process that normally occurs in bureaucracies.(30)

Although conventional radio and television stations are required by law to broadcast programs dealing with public issues and current events,(31) the two-way cable system in Reading differed from such one-way programs in three important respects. First, citizens, rather than experts or public officials, determined the agenda and content of the programs. Second, the programs and discussions were conducted on a regular, rather than ad hoc basis, so that proposals could be developed over time and citizens could follow up the response of elected officials. Third, citizen participation occurred in a group context. In recent years, many politicians have used telephone call-in programs to answer citizen inquiries. In the Reading system, individuals participated in a collective discussion, where individual comments would often be elaborated, supported, and, in some cases, refuted by fellow citizens.

The Reading cable system thus strengthened individual participation in local affairs by using two-way cable television in the context of an age-based interest group. Numerous proposals have been made to use interactive telecommunications for referendums and polling on public issues through digital feedback devices.(32) In response to such proposals, lthiel de Sola Pool stated, "the notion [of the instant referendum] is that the ancient dream of direct democracy, in which the people themselves vote on the issues instead of merely periodically choosing representatives can at last be made a reality. This is sheer fantasy. It rests upon a total misunderstanding of the legislative process."(33) Legislative decisionmaking is a time consuming and complex process characterized by bargaining, negotiation, and as Pool notes: "[O]n most bills the crucial vote is not the final vote for or against the bill . . . but the prior votes . . . on matters of detail never covered in the press, yet decisive in determining the social consequences of the action."(34)

In reality, most people form opinions and develop beliefs in a group context rather than individually. As Kenneth Laudon stated, "[P]olitical opinions are framed in the context of community groups . . . and formal voluntary associations." Laudon further stated that political participation through electronic devices can have serious implications for the overall political system.

If the locus of political attitude formation shifts from subgroup settings to the isolation booths of millions of homes the protective functions of subgroups will be lost. Bereft of the advice, political savvy, and information provided by peers in group settings, the citizen becomes more "mobilizable," more accessible, than at present. Weakening these subgroups by providing functional political alternatives to their existence removes an important structural check on the power of societal elites.(35)

The Reading two-way cable system complemented existing governmental processes by allowing interactive technology to "fit" the basic nature of local politics, rather than imposing a sophisticated but "artificial" technology on both citizens and policy makers. The system was based upon the concept that "participation is more than somehow including the preferences of citizens in policy decisions; ultimately, it must include the notion of citizens rationally discussing policy options among themselves and organizing to ensure their adoption."(36)

In addition to the citizen-government teleconferences, the experiment included interactive cable programs providing information about specific social services such as Medicaid and Food Stamps. Inquiries concerning eligibility requirements, guidance in filling out forms, and changes in the regulations affecting specific programs were discussed in sessions with the administrators of local service delivery agencies. As senior citizen participants became familiar with both the services and technology, they developed special program formats to provide information about these services.

A series of short "spot" announcements was taped and shown over the system at regular intervals, much like traditional commercials. These spots were produced and presented by senior citizens, and served as reminders of forthcoming events. In addition, this programming often dealt with "stigmatized" welfare services, in a manner aimed at both providing information and overcoming the reluctance of senior citizens to utilize government services. The impact of this service delivery programming was primarily reflected in the increased knowledge and awareness which senior citizens gained with regard to specific social services. Such information allowed participants to be more informed and effective consumers, although it did not necessarily produce an immediate increase in demand for services. For example, the Reading project produced extensive programming to encourage senior citizens to participate in the federally-funded Food Stamps Program, a program which the elderly have traditionally resisted because of the stigma related to such social welfare services.(37)

Although no significant increases have appeared in the utilization of food stamps during the experimental phase, there were increases in the percentage of elderly who have considered using food stamps.(38) These findings suggest that actual use of information obtained through cable programming may require a long period of time to emerge, and even then may occur only when particular needs arise. Alternatively, information about social services may simply represent broadened options for the senior citizen, which enhance the individual's perception of the alternative "coping" mechanisms available to him to better conduct his daily activities. For the social service administrator, the impact of cable programming is not immediately apparent, since any increase in service utilization is diffused and difficult to identify. Thus, the provision of specific social services provides far less direct feedback to the appointed official. In both the spots and the interactive programs, senior citizens often gave spontaneous endorsements of social services in an effort to encourage others to use the services. Although it was not possible to fully test whether the programs increased the actual use of such governmental services, there were gains in the level of awareness which seniors had of certain benefit programs.

The effort to increase utilization of social services through two-way cable programs was influenced in part by the institutional structure of service delivery organizations. State and federal social service agencies are characterized by a substantial body of rules and regulations limiting the administrative discretion of public bureaucrats. Thus, the capacity of appointed officials to respond to individual problems in obtaining services is often limited to explaining agency procedures and policies. Unlike elected officials, for whom the receipt of citizen input is a recognized and accepted aspect of the job; the authority of social service officials is based on their presumed professional expertise, a knowledge which is acquired independent of their clientele. Professionals perceive their training and skills as the source of their knowledge and power, and are accountable to fellow bureaucrats rather than to consumers.

For the appointed official, unlike his elected counterpart, two-way cable programming is a medium to provide information and to make referrals about specific social services. The interactive cable system attempted to increase service utilization by disseminating information and responding to specific inquiries about program requirements and supported programs. This feedback is less easily integrated into on-going organizational functions than the citizen-government interaction and thus requires a more substantial investment of the agency's resources.

In contrast, elected officials used the interactive cable system in a way that effectively complemented their jobs. When asked about such neighborhood problems as street repair or the installation of a stop sign, local politicians either initiated steps to satisfy citizen demands or explained why the requested action could not be taken. Often, if elected officials were unfamiliar with specific issues, they would try to obtain the necessary information for broadcast during their next program. When complaints involved state or federal policy, local politicians were, not unexpectedly, more than willing to identify another unit of government as the source of the problem.

The teleconferences between citizens and officials served as a medium for consumers to articulate their demands for municipal services to the city council members, who produce or supply such services. These elected officials had both the incentive and authority to respond to senior citizens' demands. The electoral system provides an incentive to serve one's constituents, while a commission form of government provides elected officials with the necessary administrative authority to quickly implement remedies for citizen complaints. Social service administrators, however, are primarily career civil servants in large bureaucratic organizations, and thus have either the authority nor incentive to respond to new patterns of consumer demand.(39)

A wide variety of potential uses can be seen for two-way cable systems. Clearly, they can facilitate citizen access to and participation in various governmental activities. To date, the cost of these communications systems has proven to be a significant barrier to their full use for provision of government services. As the cost of such systems becomes less prohibitive to individual use, however, government and legal services may become more accessible to those individuals who cannot presently utilize them to an adequate degree.

An initial example of the more effective provision of governmental services which might be obtained by use of a Reading type system would be increased access to various courts of small claims. Numerous valid suits are not filed, due to the twin factors of a lack of knowledge that small claims forums are available and an inability of some individuals to expend the time and effort to press such claims.(40) The informal nature of the proceedings in such forums would further complement the use of two-way systems. As the need for strict adherence to evidentiary and procedural rules in these forums is less than for other tribunals, two-way communications systems would reduce the time and effort needed to press individual claims to conclusion.(41) Thus, the litigants involved could presumably present each side of a case without the need for personal appearance before the court. The procedures involved in the operation of such forums could also be streamlined, in an effort to reduce the present backlog of cases awaiting decision.(42)

For administrative agencies, the use of two-way communications systems would aid the provision of governmental services to the general public. Various types of administrative conferences involving claimants to governmental benefit programs could be expedited with the efficiency of a personal appearance by the claimant. Such an appearance would not, however, be necessary where such a two-way system is available. Also, those who would benefit most from the system are generally the individuals in greatest need of the preferred governmental services. The elderly, poor or other disadvantaged groups are often prevented from utilizing available government services by physical impairments to travel or similar economic restraints.(43) The advantages of providing information regarding such services, coupled with opportunities to apply for and be involved in the procedures for determining available benefits would increase efficient provision of benefits by governmental agencies at all levels. In addition, two-way systems could aid in expediting administrative hearings, similar to its role in the courts.(44) A Reading type system would not only aid the parties to the action through elimination of the need for personal appearances, but could further assist the adjudicative process by providing easy access to expert and other witnesses.

Two-way cable communications systems could thus provide significant savings of time and cost for those governmental services not requiring stringent adherence to procedural rules or strict control over the claimants to such services. In addition, cable systems would provide access to government services to those who traditionally could not acquire such needed services for themselves.

Responses to a questionnaire administered to public officials participating in the cable programming indicated the importance of institutional structure in the use of the interactive cable system. Significant differences were found in the goals that the programming served for elected versus appointed officials. Five out of eight of the elected officials responding reported that the major effect of the system was "receiving input" and "allowing interaction," whereas only three out of fourteen of the non-elected officials expressed similar results. The remaining appointed officials split about equally in identifying the system's primary effect as an "additional medium," "providing publicity," "realizing the potential of interactive cable television," or "don't know."

Differences between elected and non-elected officials were also found in their responses to a question concerning whether the participating organization's goals were achieved by two-way cable programming. Over 75% of the elected officials stated that their goals for the interactive cable programs were reached, while only 43% of the non-elected officials clearly felt that their goals were achieved. The latter group was not explicitly dissatisfied with the two-way system. Rather, they found it "hard to say" whether or not their goals had been achieved. The difference in perceived value of the two-way cable system between elected and appointed officials suggests that direct accountability to the electorate, as well as power to implement effective changes, play important roles in the impact of two-way cable communication. Thus, if interactive cable television is to be used in providing governmental services, it is clear that attention must be given to the character of the relationship between the participating citizens and public officials, as well as to the nature of the service function itself. The use of interactive telecommunications in providing public services depends upon an understanding of the existing service delivery structure and the relationship of communications technology to such delivery processes.(45)

By placing senior citizens in productive and significant roles, the two-way cable system provides a dramatic contrast to the stereotyped and dependent images of the elderly which characterized traditional broadcast television programs.(46) When asked whether the interactive cable system made them feel better about themselves or other citizens, 84% of the frequent home viewers said yes. The participants felt that the programming had reduced isolation and served as a source of human contact. Thus, the two-way cable programs have enhanced the self-esteem of the elderly participants and strengthened their social ties with each other, while aiding the provision of important government and legal services to the aged.

THE ROLE OF THE LOCAL COMMUNITY

The effectiveness of the Reading two-way cable system is most markedly reflected in the support which the community has given to Berks Community Television (BCTV), a local non-profit corporation created to operate the system upon termination of the experimental phase.(47) Berks has continued the institutional framework for developing cable programs, in which senior citizens are largely responsible for producing interactive programs.(48) One indicator of the value of the interactive cable system for public service use is reflected in the willingness of local service delivery organizations to pay for actual program production. Two local government agencies utilize BCTV to conduct interactive programs and pay fees per hour of programming.

Since the experimental phase ended in March 1977, substantial changes have occurred in the scope of the two-way programming. BCTV now conducts interactive programming during the evening in addition to its daytime hours. Local government officials, in order to reach a wider audience, have moved their teleconferences from daytime to the early evening. Evening programs have also been used to allow citizen participation in city budget hearings and for community-wide discussion of local issues such as transportation and traffic.

Continuation of the Reading two-way cable system is due, in part, to the distinctive organizational arrangements for public service programming. Although many cities have designated cable channels for "government services," the possibility of developing public uses of two-way cable systems has not been fully considered. Cable operators, unlike their counterparts in the telephone or computer industry, rarely promote the application of cable technology to the public sector. In addition, local governments, faced with the problems of meeting federal requirements, managing budget cutbacks, and contending with day-to-day administrative problems, do not perceive cable television as a vehicle to fulfill their needs. These communities exhibit little willingness to invest scarce revenues in a new technology which seems far removed from the daily rigors of administrative life. Consequently, developing public uses for two-way cable systems is not presently considered to be an essential function of local government units. Public officials have little knowledge or understanding of how cable technology can serve their needs. Moreover, there are considerable barriers to the adoption of technological innovations by local government units.(49) Unlike the private sector, where the marketplace rewards improvements in productivity achieved through application of new technologies, the public sector is characterized by an absence of such direct incentives.(50)

In the Reading two-way cable system, responsibility for the development of public service programs rested with citizens rather than government agencies. Although citizens and public officials collaborated in producing the requested programs, the management of the interactive system is under the direction of a non-profit corporation, whose sole function is to plan, produce, and transmit two-way cable programs. BCTV draws upon the resources of numerous public and quasi-public organizations for its public service programs, rather than relying upon a single governmental unit. Similarly, its funding comes from a diversity of sources, rather than from any single source. The success of such organizational and financial arrangements in Reading indicates the possibility of mobilizing resources within a local community to support interactive cable programs. It further demonstrates the need to go beyond public sector bureaucracies as the source of cable programs, and to incorporate citizen groups in the process of developing public applications of cable television.

For both senior citizens and public officials, the primary value of the interactive system was in its capacity to enhance local communications and to provide more efficient government services. The municipal and county governments viewed two-way cable as a mechanism for obtaining citizen feedback on public policies and programs, while other service agencies utilized the two-way cable as a mechanism to disseminate information to hard-to-reach clientele. Some organizations used the interactive cable system to provide outreach services which were otherwise conducted through staff visits to individuals and community centers within the urban area. For certain agencies, the two-way cable system provided a tool to gain exposure and enhance their stature within the community. Thus, public sector organizations participated in two-way cable programs for a variety of reasons.

Although the Reading cable system was designed to provide a specific set of public services, it has more accurately functioned as a community communications system. What has clearly emerged is the development of a communications infrastructure which serves a diversity of needs. For a city like Reading, without its own broadcast television stations, the interactive cable system provided a vital means of communication between senior citizens and government agencies. In an era when telecommunications has frequently been used to overcome territorial boundaries and thus transcend local values, the Reading two-way cable system demonstrated the potential for communication technology to reinforce community consciousness and reflect the distinct preferences and priorities of an age-based sub-group of the population. In addition, the increase in citizen-government interaction may produce significant results in providing government services to those individuals most in need of various government benefits.

CONCLUSION

The role of two-way cable television as a communications medium within urban communities is especially important, given the limits of broadcast television and metropolitan newspapers as sources of local information. Television, as it is presently broadcast, is biased towards the mass viewing audience on both a national and regional level. The number of channels is limited by the number of over-the-air broadcast signals that can be transmitted through the electromagnetic spectrum in a given region.(51)

An additional problem restricting increased public interest broadcasting is the commercial foundation of broadcast television, which relies on advertising for financial support. To attract advertisers, traditional television programming is designed to reach the largest possible audience. The result is mass-oriented television which can offer only "token" programming to persons and groups whose preferences diverge from the majority. This eliminates the possibility of television programming on neighborhood problems and community issues within large metropolitan areas. The information gap produced by such broad-based programming thus brings about a need for two-way cable systems, to better provide needed public information and services.

Like television, newspapers depend upon advertisers desirous of reaching affluent consumers. As the middle class moves from the central city to the suburb, the metropolitan daily has had to broaden the geographic scope of its coverage. As Ben Bagdikian states,

competition to get into as many affluent households as possible has pushed newspapers and broadcasting stations into wide-area distribution. Economies of scale in mass production make it simpler to cast the net wide and then identify for the advertiser the harvest of high-consumption households. The result is that metropolitan broadcasters and papers cover enormous geographic areas.(52)

The consequences of such media orientation are particularly severe for low-income and minority groups remaining in the central city. Neither the newspapers nor television stations have an incentive to report on events in their areas. Thus, the economically poor become the information poor as well.

For all income groups, the imbalance between the scale of the media audience and the size of local government units has serious implications. As Bagdikian states:

The average county in the United States has 26 local governments, of which 22 have taxing power and five are school districts. Even if they ignored all other community news-unofficial organizations, crime, sports, public events-this means that the typical metropolitan paper and broadcast station, with news jurisdiction over 1300 local public policy-making bodies, cannot report the deliberations and decisions of these bodies in any systematic or thorough manner. If each policy-making body met once a week and a metropolitan television station reported on nothing else, in a typical half-hour newscast, each meeting would warrant 5.49 seconds per week, or at 180 words per minute, 16.47 words per week.(53)

Thus, traditional information services cannot adequately report all news events of general or individual citizen interest. In contrast to broadcast television and large daily newspapers, cable television has the technical and economic capability to provide information and services oriented towards the diversity of interest groups and communities comprising an entire metropolitan area. In an era when communication plays an increasingly important role in public policy-making, cable technology provides local individuals and groups with a means of electronic communication and input into community affairs. By strengthening citizen access to and control over information, cable television enhances the ability of citizens to communicate with public officials and to participate effectively in urban political processes.

To provide greater individual input and interaction with governmental agencies, public policy for cable television must encourage two-way communication between citizens and public officials. The policies that cities and states formulate for two-way cable systems will have a substantial effect on the effective provision of governmental services in large metropolitan regions. Therefore, it is essential that both the technical configuration and organizational arrangements of urban cable systems be designed to enhance local citizen-government interaction. This not only requires a cable system to have two-way capability, but also that facilities and equipment be available for citizens to develop their own interactive programs. Most important, organizational arrangements for the development of public uses must provide a framework where citizens and public organizations can jointly define the form and content of two-way cable programs. In this way, communications technology can truly serve the need for government services in urban communities. The Reading experiment indicates that citizens can use cable technology to increase their information resources and involvement in community affairs. It demonstrates that interactive cable television can play a vital role in making government more accessible and responsive to citizens in urban communities.

 

NOTES

1. See, Michael, On Coping with Complexity: Planning and Politics, 97 DAEDALUS 1179 (1968); Downs, A Realistic Look at the Final Payoffs from Urban Data Systems, 27 PUB. AD. REV. 204 (1967).

2. See A. WESTIN, INFORMATION TECHNOLOGY IN A DEMOCRACY (1971).

3. See K. LAUDON, COMMUNICATIONS TECHNOLOGY AND DEMOCRATIC PARTICIPATION (1977).

4. See generally SLOAN COMMISSION ON CABLE COMMUNICATIONS, ON THE CABLE: THE TELEVISION OF ABUNDANCE (1971) [hereinafter cited as SLOAN COMMISSION] for a more detailed discussion of the technical aspects of cable television operation.

5. Id. The basic operation of CATV is simple. A tower is erected on high ground where reception is good. Antennas on top of the tower pick up signals from nearby cities. Amplifiers are used to increase the strength of these signals and filters are used to eliminate interference. This part of the system is known as the "head end." From there, signals are sent out along coaxial cable on a "trunk line." Extending from the trunk line are "branch lines" which are connected to the "drop line" that brings the signal into individual homes. The essence of the system lies in the carrying capacity of the coaxial cable. Originally the cable could carry only five channels, but advances in communications technology now allow as many as sixty television signals to be transmitted over the cable. To start a system, a cable operator obtains a franchise from local officials, constructs the physical plant, and solicits subscribers. Revenue is obtained from subscribers who pay an initial installation fee and monthly service charge.

6. See Television Digest's 1976 CATV and Station Coverage Atlas, TELEVISION DIG. 7a (1976).

7. Id. 9a.

8. See generally SLOAN COMMISSION, supra note 4, and National Academy of Engineering Committee on Telecommunications, COMMUNICATIONS TECHNOLOGY FOR URBAN IMPROVEMENT (1971).

9. See R. BERNER, CONSTRAINTS IN THE REGULATORY PROCESS: A CASE STUDY OF REGULATION OF CABLE TELEVISION (1976); and P. MACAVOY, DEREGULATION OF CABLETELEVISION (1977), for a discussion of regulations inhibiting the projected rapid growth of cable television.

10. See Rappaport, The Emergence of Subscription Cable Television and Its Role in Communications, 29 FED. COM. B.J. 301 (1976), for a discussion of the anticipated increase in cable television subscriptions.

11. See W. LUCAS, SOCIAL APPLICATIONS OF THE NEW ELECTRONIC ABUNDANCE (1977).

12. See Coates, Aspects of Innovation - Public Policy Issues in Telecommunications Development, I TELECOMMUNICATIONS POL'Y. 156 (1977); W. BAER, INTERACTIVE TELEVISION (1971); and 1. DE SOLA POOL, TALKING BACK: CITIZEN FEEDBACK AND CABLE TECHNOLOGY (1973).

13. See generally SLOAN COMMISSION, supra note 4, where it is explained that such communication is accomplished by using the coaxial cable to simultaneously transmit messages in the form of data, audio, or visual signals, from the home or other connected facility back to the head end or other locations.

14. See Aisenberg, Political Speech and the Electronic Soap Box: Citizen Access to Media In Post-Broadcasting America, 21 ST. Louis U.L.J. 76 (1977). The discussion focuses partially on opportunities for greater individual participation in government decisionmaking. This would include such possible applications as in-home voting, participation in national referenda, and "town meetings." Id. 86, 88.

15. Id. 85.

16. See P. BARAN, POTENTIAL MARKET DEMAND FOR TWO-WAY INFORMATION SERVICES TO THE HOME: 19701990 (1972); R. YIN, CABLE TELEVISION: APPLICATIONS FOR MUNICIPAL SERVICES, (1973); and TELEVISION INFORMATION CENTER, THE USES OF CABLE COMMUNICATIONS (1973).

17. See P. KAY, SOCIAL SERVICES AND CABLE TV (1976).

18. See Brownstein, Interactive Cable TV and Social Services: The National Science Foundation Research Program. 27 J. of COM. 142 (1978).

19. The three experiments were conducted by New York University in Reading, Pa.; by Michigan State University in Rockford, III.: and by the Rand Corporation in Spartanburg, S.C.

20. See New York U.-Reading Consortium. Two-Way Cable Television: An Evaluation of Community Uses in Reading Pennsylvania (1978), for a detailed analysis of the experiment in telecommunications.

21. The consortium consisted of New York University, the ATE-Berks Cable TV Co., the City of Reading, the Berks County Senior Citizens Council, and the Reading Housing Authority.

22. See M. Moss. Two-Way Cable Television: An Evaluation of Community Uses in Reading, Pa., A Final Report to the National Science Foundation (1978) [hereinafter cited as Community Uses). Reading, Pa. is an industrial city of 88.000 located in Berks County, Pa.. approximately 60 miles northwest of Philadelphia. It is the county seat and center of economic life for Berks County, which hag a population of 296,000. The interactive cable system was created for use by both the senior citizens, who constitute 16% of Reading's population, and the public agencies that serve them. Id. 1.

23. Such needs included the provision of information on traditional government services like food stamps and social security benefits, as well as non-governmental services such as the proper procedure for preparation of wills. Id. 6, 9.

24. The focus of these "interactive" programs offers a distinct alternative to traditional public service television broadcasting. The relative ease with which cable subscribers can influence the programming schedule of their cable network contrasts sharply with the lack of input an individual has, regarding even the public service programming of non-cable broadcasters. See Note, Toward Community Ownership of Cable Television, 83 YALE L.J. 1708,1709-10 (1974).

25. Portable black and white video equipment is relatively inexpensive and easy to operate, making it possible, therefore, for lay citizens to produce two-way cable television which is technically adequate, but not as polished as the one-way programs carried over commercial television stations. See generally Community Uses, supra note 22.

26. On other occasions, seniors produced programs in which private agencies conveyed information about the cost and nature of the services they provide. Subjects included in the programs focused on matters of primary interest to senior citizens, such as the provision of health care. See Community Uses, supra note 22, at 6.

27. Use of federal aid and subsidy programs has traditionally been a problem among senior citizens who, for lack of information or other reasons, have not utilized such programs to their fullest advantage. See Community Uses, supra note 22, at 9.

28. The mayor is elected for a four-year term and two councilpersons are elected to four-year terms in odd numbered years. Although the entire council must approve most personnel and budgetary matters, the individual councilpersons have considerable control over the operations of their departments.

29. The issues discussed over the two-way cable system ranged from discrete neighborhood concerns over street repair and traffic control to more generic policy matters such as housing and property taxes. The two topics moat discussed were "local government and politics" and "municipal budget and finance." Because each Reading councilperson has administrative responsibility for a set of municipal departments, the subject of each teleconference often focused on specific service functions under their control. This encouraged participants to have in-depth discussions on the provision of local government services, rather than conducting superficial dialogue on municipal affairs. The detailed statistical findings on the range of topics discussed are contained in Table I of the appendix to Community Uses, supra note 22.

30. See G. TULLOCK, THE POLITICS OF BUREAUCRACY (1965), for a discussion of the problems involving the operation of a normal government bureaucracy.

31. See NELSON & TEETER, THE LAW OF MASS COMMUNICATIONS (1969), for a discussion of the requirement that broadcasters allot certain portions of air time to public service broadcasting. Id. 415.

32. See Note, supra note 24.

33. See SOLA POOL, supra note 12, at 7

34. Id. 80.

35. See LAUDON, supra note 3, at 31.

36. Id. 36.

37. See Note, Discrimination Against the Elderly: A Prospectus of the Problem, 7 SUFFOLK L. REV. 917 (1973), for a general discussion of the failure of social service agencies to provide adequate assistance to the elderly.

38. Although an increase in awareness of such programs would appear not to implement the goals of the interactive cable system, the logical next step of such awareness would be a corresponding increase in the use of government aid services. See Community Uses, supra note 22, at 9, 10.

39. See generally Rosenblum, Handling Citizen Initiated Complaints: An Introductory Study of Federal Agency Procedures and Practices, 26 AD. L. REV. 1 (1974), for a discussion of problems and proposed solutions to citizen based complaints on provision of government services.

40. See Allison, Problems in the Delivery of Legal Services, 63 A.G.A.J. 518 (1977), for a discussion of the problems faced by small claims courts in providing adequate judicial forums without substantial delay to the parties involved.

41. Id.

42. Id. See also Carrow & Reese, State Problems of Mass Adjudicative Justice: The Administrative Adjudication of Traffic Violations - A Case Study, 28 AD. L. REV. 223 (1976), for a discussion of the problems in providing sufficient judicial safeguards to large numbers of traffic law violators.

43. See Note, supra note 37, at 918.

44. See generally Denvir, Controlling Welfare Bureaucracy: A Dynamic Approach, 50 NOTRE DAME LAW. 457 (1975), where the author discussed the serious problems in adequate provision of social services by government agencies.

45. It is also important to note that the two-way cable system served important social purposes, in addition to its role in the provision of governmental services. The neighborhood communication centers brought people together, albeit as participants in cable programs. Nevertheless, the system provided a community context in which the elderly could meet and talk with each other before and after programming. Eighty-four percent of the frequent attendees at the neighborhood communication centers said the two-way cable programs resulted in making or renewing friendships for them. More than 20% of the participants felt the two-way programs helped them participate in discussions elsewhere. Furthermore, the system provided an opportunity for the elderly to engage in productive and socially useful activities which drew upon skills and training they had acquired over a lifetime. Most of the social service programs were coordinated by a retired social service worker. A seventy-seven year old woman, once active in politics, moderated the weekly citizen-government teleconferences. See Community Uses, supra note 22, at 10.

46. See Aronoff, Old Age in Prime Time, 24 J. OF COM. 86 (1974); and Atkin, Mass Media and the Aging, in AGING AND COMMUNICATION 99 (1976).

47. The corporation is governed by a board of directors consisting of representatives from the city and county governments, senior citizens organizations, educational institutions, private firms, and the local cable television company. See Community Uses, supra note 22, at 13.

48. Funds to support continued programming have been raised through individual donations and contributions from local industry. Both the municipal and county governments have also provided financial support for the interactive system. See Community Uses, supra note 22, at 14.

49. See R. YIN, K. HEALD & M. VOGEL, TINKERING WITH THE SYSTEM: TECHNOLOGICAL INNOVATIONS IN STATE AND LOCAL GOVERNMENT (1977).

50. See Roessner, Incentives to Innovate in Public and Private Organizations, 9 An. AND SOC'Y. 341 (1977).

51. In the very high frequency range (VHP), only twelve channels are available. In addition, adjacent channel interference prevents the use of more than seven channels within the same geographic area. The ultra high frequency range (UHF) ostensibly provides a larger number of channels, but actual use of UHF is severely hampered by a variety of technological and economic factors. See generally SLOAN COMMISSION, supra note 4.

52. B. BAGDIKIAN, MASS SCALE AND COMMUNITY BOUNDARIES. See also B. BAGDIKIAN, THE INFORMATION MACHINES (1971).

53. B. BAGDIKIAN, MASS SCALE AND COMMUNITY BOUNDARIES.

 

Originally published in University of Detroit Journal of Urban Law
Volume 45, issue 3.
University of Detroit. Detroit, MI 1978