The New Urban Telecommunications Infrastructure
Advanced communication technologies are transforming the form and
function of our nation's large metropolitan regions. For centuries,
the growth of cities depended on transportation linkages to facilitate
the movement of people and goods. As advanced, industrialized nations
rely more heavily upon information-based services, the viability
of a metropolitan region will depend on its communications infrastructure
to facilitate the movement of ideas and information. This article
will examine the components and implications of the changing urban
telecommunications infrastructure and its impact on research and
policymaking.
Telecommunications and Cities
It has been noted that every society is linked by three different
types of infrastructures: transportation, energy, and communications.
"The revolution in communications now makes it likely that there
will be a major shift in the relative importance of the infrastructure:
communications will be the central infrastructure tying together
a society."(1) Unlike the transportation infrastructure – the network
of roads, bridges, freeways, and airports that has been planned
and managed mainly by the public sectorthe communications infrastructure
has mainly been designed and built by the private sector.
The telecommunications infrastructure – the wires, ducts, and channels
that transmit voice, data, and video signals – is a remarkable mystery
in most cities. This is partially a result of the dominant roles
played by AT&T, which developed most of the nation's telecommunications
network, and the Federal Communications Commission, which predominates
in regulating the communications industry. Furthermore, the high
quality of our nation's telecommunications system has allowed citizens
and public officials to take the system for granted. For instance,
state governments have played largely a reactive role in reviewing
rate structures, and local governments, although major users of
local telephone networks, have chosen to focus their attention on
cable television franchises. It has been noted that policymakers
have neglected the urban communications infrastructure in spite
of the deep involvement of local governments in specific communication
systems:
General purpose urban governments or their delegates have sometimes
accepted explicit authority over a broadcasting frequency. Public
broadcasting stations assigned to non-profit "community" groups
may sensibly be seen as specialized communication policies. Virtually
all city governments operate substantial telecommunication facilities
for the use of police and fire departments.(2)
Investing In Telecommunications
The divestiture of AT&T, in conjunction with advances in transmission
systems, microprocessors, and electronic memory, is currently creating
a new telecommunications environment at the local and regional levels.
Two forces underlie the change in the pattern of telecommunications
development in urban regions. First, large organizations have begun
to accept communication systems as strategic assets rather than
just high cost sources. Telecommunication systems offer a way to
reach new markets and to create new products and services. Citicorp's
successes in national and international banking are a reflection
of its pioneering role in deploying advanced information technologies.
As Walter Wriston, the former Citicorp chairman, has said, "the
most valuable piece of real estate in the world is your desk." Once
a bank's terminal is on it, and if the customer is happy with the
service, then it becomes very difficult for a competitor to dislodge.(3)
The second major force shaping the new telecommunications infrastructure
is the increased investment in information workers. Until recently,
private organizations invested less than half as much for capital
equipment per information worker as they invested for production
workers. In 1977, in which the amount for machinery in which businesses
were investing to support their white collar workers was only half
the amount they invested to support their blue collar workers. By
1982, the amount of investment in these two areas had become equal.(4)
Most of the capital investment in new communications technology
has been traditionally oriented toward clerical and administrative
staffs. In the future, investment will be channelled towards middle
and senior management, where personnel costs are substantially higher
than those of lower-level employees.
Financial services firms provide a clear example of increased investment
in computers and other telecommunication systems. Banks, insurance
companies, and securities firms have shifted from being labor intensive
to being capital intensive industries. The offices of these firms
require large floor areas that can accomodate computers and support
personnel and high energy loads. These offices also require raised
floors to accomodate communication ducts and wires. These financial
institutions now have invested more in telecommunications than in
labor. The investment in technological capabilities has led to the
advent of around-the-clock operations and to the need of buildings
to be located in areas which can accomodate such operations. Consumer
banking has become decentralized with the advent of telecommunication
systems that allow people to use automatic teller machines at shopping
centers or local supermarkets, and eventually at home through personal
computers.
As a result of these forces, the traditional division between vendors
and users of communication services are becoming blurred and, in
some cases, no longer exist. Many organizations, recognizing the
indispensability of an adequate communications network, are developing
their own telecommunication networks to accomodate their future
growth and market orientation. With the advent of deregulation,
computer firms are now in the telephone business, while telephone
companies are just as involved in the marketing of computer equipment
and software. As companies face a growing need to link their information-intensive
offices with advanced telecommunication systems, this cross-over
among industries will continue.
The New Telecommunications Infrastructure
The intense use of communication and computer systems in offices
has led to changes in our telecommunications infrastructure at the
national, regional, and local levels. There is a rush to build optical
fiber networks that can provide high-speed, long distance communications
networks across the country. The rush to build optical fiber systems
resembles the rush to build railroads in the nineteenth century;
whoever builds the first integrated network can expect to capture
much of the long distance communications business.(5)
At the regional level, diverse telecommunication systems are being
installed and expanded. New York Telephone, for example, has built
a high-capacity optical fiber "ring" around Manhattan that links
its twelve major switching centers, while in Southern California,
the optical fiber network built for the 1984 Summer Olympics is
an advanced regional communications network. More than one-third
of all the Bell System's optical fibers have been installed in New
York Telephone's service area – a reflection of the great demand
for high-capacity communication systems within major cities and
surrounding metropolitan regions.(6)
Although the regional holding companies created from the AT&T
divestiture remain the predominant communication carriers at the
local level, organizations with sophisticated and specialized communications
needs, such as universities, hospitals, and banks, are finding that
competition has generated new choices in telecommunication technologies,
costs, and services. Microwave, optical fiber, cable television,
digital termination systems, and subscriber radio are among the
technologies that serve the diversified local communications market.
In addition, firms with a large volume of long distance calls often
"bypass" the "facilities of the local telephone companies available
to the general public" in order to avoid paying the rates charged
for use of the local public network.(7)
Overwhelmingly, the telephone is used for inter- and intra-urban
communications – not for linking people in remote regions. Approximately
thirty-three percent of interstate business message toll service
and WATS revenues are generated by calls among the sixteen largest
metropolitan areas and fifty percent among the thirty-two largest
cities.(8) According to a report issued by the House Subcommittee
on Telecommunications, Consumer Protection, and Finance, "most business
communications travel only a relatively short distance. Only about
8 percent of communications traffic travels more than 500 miles.
Thirty-two percent travels between facilities less than 500 miles
apart. The remaining 60 percent is intrafacility."(9) This is quite
evident within cities. In New York City, seventy-five percent of
all telephone calls originating in Manhattan are to other locations
in Manhattan. Intra-borough telephone calls account for at least
sixty percent of the telephone calls within each of the city's five
boroughs.(10) Even though communications technology allows social
and business relationships to be geographically extended, the connections
remain primarily within large urban regions.
Overseas telephone traffic is particularly centered in the nation's
leading cities. In 1982, New York City and Los Angeles accounted
for approximately one-third of all overseas telephone message units
from the United States, excluding Canada and Mexico.(11) Communication
technologies have strengthened large multinational firms that are
headquartered in large urban centers by allowing the firms to control
and coordinate production and distribution activities on a global
scale.
Smart Buildings
Among the popular press, there is much talk about "smart" or "intelligent"
buildings as real estate developers add telecommunication systems
to the services already available to tenants. The term "smart building"
has been used in three different contexts. First, it can refer to
an integrated management system for elevators, energy, security,
and other building services. Second, it can refer to an integrated
telecommunications network for local, long distance, and enhanced
services. Finally, it can refer to buildings with integrated telecommunication
and building systems.(12) A new industry is evolving to provide
"shared tenant services" – sophisticated telecommunication systems
within buildings that offer economies of scale and "one-stop" convenience
to small and middle-sized organizations. Olympia and York, the largest
real estate developer in North America, has formed a joint venture
with United Telecommunications, Inc., to create OlympiaNet, a telecommunications
network that will offer advanced data, voice, and video services
to all of its tenants. Many other organizations have formed partnerships
to offer similar building-based telecommunications services.
For real estate developers, telecommunications can provide a new
source of revenue as well as providing an attractive service to
tenants. Given that most office buildings have long lives and that
most of the nation's building stock is currently in place, the challenge
lies in retrofitting existing buildings in order to accomodate new
telecommunication systems. Office buildings can no longer be considered
in terms of their capacity to accomodate people; a building is also
a resource for the transmission of voice and data messages (as reflected
in the growing use of satellite and microwave dishes on the roof
tops of office buildings). Access to the roof is now a critical
part of almost all leases; the rooftop has replaced the groundfloor
in terms of real estate value. A question still remains, however,
as to whether it is wise to incorporate all building and telecommunication
services into a single system.
Teleports: The Technological Fix
The popularity of teleports across the nation represents the diffusion
of an idea prior to its full implementation. The original concept
of a "teleport" started with the Port Authority of New York and
New Jersey. The concept was based on a far-sighted view that the
public sector should provide a facility, similar to airports, which
provides access to communication satellites. The large volume of
electronic communications in New York City led the Port Authority
to believe that access to communication satellites would be crucial
to maintain the health of the region's economy. Microwave congestion
within New York City contributed to the need for a teleport with
an alternative local distribution system. This need led to the proposed
optical fiber system linking the Teleport on Staten Island to New
Jersey and other parts of New York City. Subsequently, an office
park was incorporated in the project, since the site offered excellent
access to a skilled labor force, low-cost energy sources, and land
for back-office facilities.
Responsibility for the Teleport was divided among the City of New
York, which leased the land to the Port Authority, and to the Port
Authority, which developed the land and leased the buildings on
the site. Merrill Lynch and Western Union were brought in as partners
in Teleport, Inc., to manage the communication systems. The City
of New York and the Port Authority of New York and New Jersey were
to receive a percentage of the net profits from Teleport, Inc. The
most impressive aspect of the Teleport, however, has been the speed
with which other cities have initiated efforts to build their own
teleports. In many communities, existing satellite antenna farms
with microwave links have been renamed as "teleports" and are operated
entirely by the private sector.
The popularity of teleports is not based on any evidence that they
can stimulate economic development. Rather, the popularity of teleports
demonstrates that public investments are often made on the basis
of "municipal chic," not unlike the popularity of building sports
stadiums, convention centers, and cultural centers a decade ago.
Advances in optical fiber technology and in Ku-band satellite technology,
enabling small satellite dishes to be built directly next to or
on top of buildings, however, may ultimately limit the appeal of
teleports as currently conceived. Ironically, technological solutions
may be preempted by new technologies.
The Challenge For Research
Contrary to popular belief, communication technologies have not
replaced face-to-face contact. Rather, new communication systems
have enhanced those cities that serve as the information centers
of the world. Rather than lead to the obsolesence of cities, new
communication technologies have contributed to the emergence of
a handful of "world cities" that are "[t]ightly interconnected with
each other through decision-making and finance."(13) The widespread
deployment of advanced telecommunication systems has strengthened
those cities that are communication hubs while they have weakened
older communities rooted in the manufacturing of goods. Because
a new and sophisticated telecommunications infrastructure is being
built within large metropolitan regions to accomodate sophisticated
data and voice services, those communities that are already equipped
to handle such technologies are at an advantage.
More than a decade ago, Melvin Webber described cities as "communications
switchboards – the locales where the greatest numbers of connections
are joined and where the transactional business of the society is
most easily accomplished."(14) Webber identified two major communication
patterns: internal or local to other locals, and external, local
establishments to the nation and world. There has been surprisingly
little empirical research on the magnitude and type of communications
functions that cities serve.(15) We need to improve our knowledge
and understanding of the relationship between new telecommunication
technologies and the rich web of interpersonal communications that
occurs in cities. The evidence to date indicates that communication
technologies are vital elements in maintaining and stimulating both
internal and external patterns of urban communications.
Conclusion: The Role of Public and Private Policymakers
While the private sector was investing in new optical fiber, microwave,
and satellite systems, cities were focusing their attention on cable
television systems. After two decades of speculation about becoming
the "wired nation," cable television has yet to arrive in most large
American cities.(16) The private sector has been responsible for
the development of telecommunication systems that have reshaped
the organization of work in metropolitan regionsmaking these systems
far more important than cable in this respect.
There are several valuable lessons to be gained from this experience.
First, it is essential to recognize the distinctive roles of government
and business. Public intervention in a technologically-driven industryrequires
a "fine," not a "heavy" hand. The private sector should be the engine
of telecommunications development at the urban level, since advances
in technology are rapid, and the private sector is better equipped
to handle such development. As the case of cable television franchises
shows, government can become fixated on one type of technology or
communications facility. The public sector, however, should monitor
private sector initiatives and use private telecommunication networks
for serving public purposes.
Second, it is essential to recognize that telecommunications is
a "permissive" rather than a deterministic factor in office location;
it can contribute to the attractiveness of a site or a structure,
provided that other critical infrastructure components are also
available.(17) Telecommunications has not led to the growth of office
complexes in the nation's hinterland. Rather, it has reinforced
the central city and suburban locations that were already serving
information users.
Finally, our approach to understanding urban growth must be revised.
The vitality of a city will increasingly be a product of the messages
that flow in, out, and through an urban region, rather than of the
numbers of people who live and work in a community. As Manuel Castells
has said, "places become transformed into flows."(18) Just as the
number of ships that arrived at a port was once regarded as the
measure of a city's economic activity, the information that flows
in and out of a city will be the appropriate indicators of a community's
well-being in the twenty-first century. For scholars of communications,
the emerging telecommunications infrastructure presents both a challenge
and an opportunity. The challenge is to develop theoretical concepts
and empirical techniques for analyzing the relationship between
new telecommunication systems and existing communication processes.
The opportunity is to improve our understanding of how communications
technology influences the organization of work, time, and space
in an advanced urban society.
Notes
1. Bell, "Communications Technology – For Better or Worse," Harvard
Business Review, May June 1979, at 20, 22.
2. S. Mandelbaum, Cities and Communications: The Limits of Community
3 (1985 (unpublished manuscript).
3. Hakim, "A New Awakening," The Economist, Mar.
24, 1984, at 5, 73 (International Banking Survey).
4. C. Jonscher, The Impact of Information Technology on the
Economy: Problems of Modelling and Measurement 3 (Feb. 1985)
(prepared for Conference on the Impact of Information Technology
on the Service Sector, University of Pennsylvania).
5. See Johnston, "The Coming Glut of Phone Lines," Fortune,
Jan. 7. 1985, at 96, 98.
6. E. Liu &, K. Vaselkiv, NYNEX Corporation, Goldman Sacks,
Investment Research 13 (Dec. 19,1984).
7. Federal Communications Commission, Common Carrier Bureau, Bypass
Of The Public Switched Network 4 (Dec. 19. 1984).
8. Langdale, "Competition in Telecommunications," 6 Telecommunications
Policy 283,289 (1982).
9. Majority Staff Of The House Subcomm. On Telecommunications,
Consumer Protection And Finance Of The House Comm. On Energy And
Commerce, 97th Cong. 1st Sess., Telecommunications In Transition:
The Status Of Competition In The Telecommunications Industry 227
(1981).
10. New York State Public Service Commission, Case No. 28482 (1983)
(testimony of New York Telephone).
11. Moss, "New York Is Not Just New York
Anymore," Intermedia, July-Sept. 1984, at 10,10-11.
12. See Cannes, "The Bucks in Brainy Buildings," Fortune,
Dec. 24, 1984, at 132.
13. Friedmann & Wolff, "World City Formation: an Agenda for
Research and Action," 6 International Journal of Urban &
Regional Research 309, 310 (1982).
14. Webber, "Urbanization and Communications," in Communications
Technology and Social Policy 299 (G. Gerbner, L. Gross &
W. Melody ed. 1973).
15. See e.g., R. Meier. "A Communications Theory of Urban
Growth" (1961): J Gottman, The Coming of the Transactional City.
(1983).
16. See Moss & Warren, "Public Policy
and Community-Related Uses of Cable Television." 20 Urban
Affairs Quarterly 233, 238 (1984).
17. See Goddard, "Technology Forcasting in a Spatial Context,"
Futures, Apr. 1980. at 90.97.
18. M. Castells, "Toward the Informations City? High Technology?
Economic Change and Spatial Structure: Some Exploratory Hypotheses"
53 (1984) (University of Cailfornia, Berkeley, Institute of Urban
and Regional Development working paper).
Originally published in the Computer/Law Journal,
Volume 6, number 2, 1985.